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Greg Sandow

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The Abduction Conundrum

By Greg Sandow


 I learned how strange abduction stories can be -- and how hard it is to think about them -- when I first talked to David Jacobs. Jacobs, of course, is one of the leading abduction investigators, by day a tenured history professor at Temple University in Philadelphia. I was interviewing him for a magazine piece, and I'd read much of the abduction literature, including his own book Secret Life. But I wasn't prepared for what happened when I asked him an obvious journalistic question, whether there was physical evidence that abductions are real.

 "Wanna see?" he replied. Then he trotted off to another room, and returned with plastic bags containing a t-shirt and a blue flowered bed sheet, both stained, he said, with a alien substance.

 Speaking purely as a reporter, I can state the following:

 The stains were shocking pink (though Jacobs, with evident surprise, said they'd faded). They had no texture and no smell. · · Jacobs said they'd been analyzed, by a man heÌd only identify as "a scientist at a major Midwestern university." The analysis supposedly showed that the stains weren't any known substance. · · When I asked where the stains came from, Jacobs told me that three members of a family had fallen asleep in three difference places, the mother on a couch in the living room, the daughter upstairs in her parents' bed, the son at a friend's house down the street. All woke up the next morning with memories of having been abducted, and with these stains on their clothes or their bedding -- as did a fourth, unrelated person, somewhere in the same neighborhood.·

 Jacobs, like a responsible man of science, added that the analysis didn't prove anything. There are, he told me, so many known chemical compounds, that a new one doesn't have to come from space. Still -- and this is me talking now, not him -- it's clearly notable, not to say downright spooky, if the same new compound really showed up on four people simultaneously ÷ if, of course, such a thing really happened.

I add that last qualification because I can't prove that it did. I have less trouble with the anonymous scientist., because I've learned his name, and could ask those who know him to persuade him to talk to me. Besides, IÌve run into an anonymous scientist myself; I understand the pressures that would lead a researcher with mainstream credentials to keep publicly clear of the taint of UFOs.

 Still, a hardnosed journalist could be forgiven for doubting everything that Jacobs says. It's all hearsay, by the time it reaches me. The story of the family and the stains is even double hearsay -- the people involved told Jacobs what they say happened, and he told me. I can't vouch for any of it.

 But my personal, non-journalistic reaction might matter even more. Privately, speaking simply as a human being, not as as an investigator, I believed what Jacobs told me. But I also got intensely skeptical. "Alien stains? Gedouddahere!" (My New York upbringing rears up at times like this.) I felt like the American Supreme Court justice Felix Frankfurter, in an anecdote the dean of abduction investigators, Budd Hopkins, relates in "A Note to the Reader" at the start of his book Intruders. During World War II, Frankfurter met a Polish refugee, Jan Karski, whoÌd seen some of the horrors of the Holocaust, details of which were just beginning to be known. Quoting Hopkins now (who in turn is quoting The Terrible Secret, a book on the Holocaust by Walter Laqueur):

 Karski told Frankfurter of what he had seen and heard, but Frankfurter replied that "he did not believe him. When Karski protested, Frankfurter explained that he did not imply that Karski had in any way not told the truth, he simply meant that he could not believe him -- there was a difference."

 I could relate to that. I didn't doubt Jacobs' honesty, or, to be blunt about how far IÌve stretched my own credulity, his own readiness to believe the stories he hears. But I couldn't believe him. Or, more precisely, I didn't want to believe him. It's one thing, I learned from all this, to read about abductions in books, the pages clean and dry, no pinkish goo anywhere in sight. But once the spoor of aliens is thrust under my nose, an urge to disbelieve wells up, prompted as much by fear as by skepticism or good sense.

 This urge to disbelieve is rampant, I think, in much of the abduction debate. (It's also endemic in skeptical discussion of UFOs in general, but that's a larger story.) But then it's also true that some people are just as quick to accept abduction tales, for equally emotional reasons which can range from a longing for alien salvation to the simple faith that abduction experiencers can't all be lying.

 These emotions, on both sides, confuse the discussion. Abduction investigators ask us, in effect, to believe in their sincerity, and in the sincerity of the abduction experiencers they work with. But they don't provide verifiable evidence. Skeptics, meanwhile, take swipes at abduction research, presenting unproved theories of their own -- that abduction tales are generated by the media, for instance, or that they're planted in experiencers' minds by careless or unscrupulous researchers. These swipes get made with a force that seems excessive, since the skeptics don't have evidence themselves.

 In the end, it's the truth that suffers. And despite welcome bursts of objectivity -- Eddie Bullard's 1987 analytic tome for the Fund for UFO Research, or the 1992 abduction conference at MIT (proceedings of which have been published), or Stuart Appelle's recent summary of abduction theories and evidence in The Journal of UFO Studies -- the debate still tends to generate more heat than light.

 What, then, are some of the abduction arguments that need to removed from the emotional haze? I'll start with a skeptical chestnut: The assertion that hypnosis isn't a reliable way to retrieve buried memories. Often this is stated in a tone that implies "Gotcha!" And, indeed, two things are clear:

 
1. The skeptics are accurately reporting the results of current psychology research. 2. 3. Abduction investigators like Budd Hopkins, David Jacobs, and Raymond Fowler should be spanked for not acknowledging this research in their books. (Though to be fair I should add that, according to surveys published in psychological journals, even psychotherapists aren't always aware of the alleged problems with hypnosis. John Mack, to his credit, does address the negative results of current hypnosis research, as he'd damn well better, since he's a psychologist, and ought to know what's published in his field. Less to his credit, he saved this examination -- and his defense of hypnosis -- for the second, paperback edition of his book Abduction, which, as he himself notes, was revised to address objections to his work. And he tosses his discussion into an appendix, making no mention of these problems in his main text, where he transcribes hypnotic sessions as casually as Hopkins, Jacobs, or Fowler.) 4.

 But let's take a closer look at this. I don't claim to be a psychologist, but what I read in psychology journals is both clear, and not as simple as the skeptics like to think. It's true, of course, that for more than ten years, psychologists have taken no prisoners where hypnosis is concerned. As I perused a database of papers in psychology journals, it was easy for me to learn that (quoting from two abstracts) that "controlled laboratory studies have consistently failed to demonstrate any hypnotic memory improvement," and, even worse, that hypnotically prompted recollections "appear to be less reliable than nonhypnotic recall."

 And yet I also couldn't help noticing that all this research was conducted in sanitized lab environments, far from the vivid -- but scientifically inconvenient -- passions of everyday life. Nor had psychologists failed to notice this, since one of the authors IÌve just quoted, summarizing what's in the literature, also notes that "the relevancy of these laboratory studies may be questioned because they used verbal, frequently nonmeaningful stimuli in a low arousal environment."

 In plain English, I might put the problem this way. These experimenters, good academics all of them -- and, let's note, experimental rather than clinical psychologists, which means they wouldn't do much work with the messy functioning of memory in normal life -- recruit a group of undergraduates. They ask these experimental subjects to memorize data nobody could possibly care about, and then declare that even under hypnosis nobody remembers much, and certainly can't remember any more than a control group that hasnÌt been hypnotized.

 But what does this prove? That hypnosis can't retrieve memory, or just that nobody remembers meaningless nonsense under any circumstances? Some psychologists -- spurred, I'd like to think, by common sense -- wonder whether highly emotional memories might behave differently. It's not hard to find literature saying that they do, though the scholar who raised the question I quoted earlier -- Marilyn C. Smith, of the Scarborough College Life Sciences Division of the University of Toronto -- notes that she thinks research indicates otherwise, at least in circumstances involving hypnosis: "Several recent studies that have used more forensically relevant, arousal-provoking stimuli persist in showing no hypnosis advantage." (She stresses forensic relevance because her overall subject is the hypnotic memory enhancement of witnesses in court.)

 What, though, might those those "arousal-provoking" stimuli be? There's a classic, frightening experiment in which subjects were asked to push a button that, they were told, would shoot painful jolts of electricity into someone seated, helpless and writhing, in a wired chair on the other side of pane of one-way glass. The whole thing was a setup, of course, and nobody really got any electrical shocks. The idea was to see whether the subjects would follow orders, and, unhappily, they did.

 Psychologists who study hypnosis and memory haven't quite have the courage -- if that's the word -- to set up real traumatic situations. (Though Elizabeth Loftus, a psychologists who conducts her own kind of memory experiments, once got children to falsely believe that theyÌd been lost in a mall.) Instead, theyÌre likely to show their subjects films of simulated crimes, which, one can suspect, aren't involving in any person way. In another study, two unintentionally comical psychologists used words instead. These were Robert A. Baker (yes, the implacable UFO skeptic, who also holds the belief, extreme in mainstream psychology, that hypnosis isn't a distinct mental state) and Bonnie S. Parker, both at the University of Kentucky. They showed 34 undergraduates what they describe as "a visual display made up of common objects and 8 nonsense syllables," along with "an emotionally arousing message." Forty-eight hours later, the kids were hypnotized, and, predictably enough, couldn't remember any more of the nonsense than could a control group whoÌd been a shown a message that was "neutral and innocuous."

 Evidently, "emotional arousal" (the experimenters' own words) has no effect on hypnotic recall. But just how aroused should we imagine these undergraduates might have been, when they read their verbal message? As aroused as they might be if they fell in love, learned their best friend died, or were abducted by aliens? Call me shallow, call me unscientific, but somehow I doubt it. Nor do I doubt it any less when I read, in a paper on memory and emotional states, that the relevance of lab experiments to real-life memories is (at least in the authors' opinion) at best "uncertain."

 So now let's ask how hypnosis would fare if the tiny details to be memorized were linked to something genuinely traumatic? The answer is that nobody knows. And if we ask about trauma so serious that it leads to loss of memory -- the kind of trauma most directly relevant to abductions -- the answer is the same. As Stuart Appelle (himself a university psychologist) writes in his critical review of the abduction evidence: "There are no systematic investigations of the accuracy or efficacy of hypnotic recall in trauma-induced amnesia."

 As for non-traumatic real-life memory, four papers since 1979 have studied its relation to hypnosis, and all four concluded that hypnosis does improve recall:

 · Helmut Relinger of the VeteranÌs Administration Medical Center in Martinez, California reviewed the scientific literature on hypnosis and memory enhancement, concluding that "hypnosis consistently enhances recall of meaningful material when recall is measured in a free narrative format." ("Hypnotic hypermnesia: A critical review." American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis)· · William S. Kroger and Richard Douce of UCLA studied how police departments used hypnosis, and declared: "Hypnosis was of value in providing investigative direction, and, in the [23] cases described, has led to the solutions of major crimes." ("Hypnosis in criminal investigation," International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis) · · A team from the University of Arizona reported that hypnosis had successfully been used to restore the memory of a man suffering amnesia after heÌd been raped. ("Amnesia as a Consequence of Male Rape: A Case Report," Journal of Abnormal Psychology.)· · David Chamberlain -- though this does seem hard to believe -- hypnotized children and their mothers to retrieve memories of the childrenÌs birth. The children had no conscious birth memories, but their accounts were similar enough to what their mothers reported for Chamberlain to write that "children's birth memories appeared to be real rather than fantasy." ("Reliability of birth memory: Observations from mother and child pairs in hypnosis. "Journal of the American Academy of Medical Hypnoanalysts.)·

 What can we conclude? First, that hypnosis isn't infallible, a fact that abduction researchers ought to stress. (I've heard Budd Hopkins say as much to abductees he works with, but he needs to say it in print as well.) We should also note that in recent years hypnosis has been attacked even more sharply, because of therapists who use it, or so it's plausibly charged, to generate false memories of sexual abuse. The American Psychiatric Association strongly cautions that recovered memories are "of uncertain authenticity [and] should be subject to external verification." This verification is, to put it mildly, a tricky business when weÌre dealing with abductions, since -- obviously -- we donÌt know whether anything about abductions is real. More on that below. But it has not been proved that hypnosis canÌt retrieve lost memories.

 Moreover, the hypnosis debate sidesteps something well known about abductions: Many abduction memories surface with no hypnosis at all. Some experiencers consciously remember a full abduction scenario, some remember part, and virtually all of them remember something -- if they didn't, why would they visit an abduction investigator in the first place?

 All this is plainly set forth in the abduction literature (In Bullard's 1987 study, for instance, in a paper by David F. Webb on abduction reports up to 1980, and in Bullard's recent report on a 1992 survey of abduction investigators.) All sorts of questions still need to be answered -- are there, for instance, some abduction episodes that only come out hypnotically? But anyone who meets abduction experiencers can easily verify that the overall abduction narrative, along with key details like the appearance of the aliens, might well emerge without hypnosis.

 For some time, I should say, IÌve been observing Budd Hopkins's work. I began by interviewing him for an article in a mainstream magazine, began to sit in on some of his sessions with abductees, and, for a study in International UFO Reporter (the publication of the Center for UFO Studies) reviewed the evidence, much of it unpublished, that documents his controversial "Linda Cortile" case (in which an abduction from a New York city highrise apartment was supposedly witnessed by several people, including an internationally known political figure.)

 Naturally, I've met many of the abduction experiencers Hopkins works with. One of them, a 29 year-old insurance executive who asked me to call her just "Renee," told me sheÌd encountered the familiar gray aliens all her life. ("Renee" isn't even her real first name; like most abductees, she doesn't want her real identity revealed.) She'd never told anyone about these beings. Who'd believe her? Clearly no one else knew the beings existed, because no one talked or wrote about them. One day, she said, she came across one of Hopkins's books at an airport, with one of those creatures on the cover. She told me this calmly, but it's clear she was shocked. It took her a year, she said, to get up the courage to all Hopkins and arrange a visit, and even then she brought a friend along, in case he turned out to be crazy.

 "Bill" (another abductee IÌve met) says he remembers being taken, with his family, into a craft he describes as "a merry-go-round with lights.ÌÌ "Christine" says that throughout her childhood she encountered a small gray creature that she called "skeleton man." John Velez, one of the few experiencers willing to let his full name be printed, remembers lying on a table, surrounded by beings that stuck needles into him.

 Accounts like these are available to anyone who studies abductions, and -- pending some future proof (unlikely, in my opinion) that all these people are lying -- even skeptics need to acknowledge that abduction accounts don't need hypnosis to emerge. Details like the beings' huge black eyes can be documented entirely from conscious memories, which suggests that hypnotic accounts of those eyes have been corroborated. Besides, the hypnotic accounts confirm each other. It might sound odd to talk about corroboration, when we still don't know that what's corroborated is truly real. But imagine an FBI investigation. A serial killer is at large, and several people think they got a fleeting glimpse of him. These witnesses are hypnotized, let's say, and, amazingly, each recalls the license plate on his car. Maybe they differ on a digit or two, but the recollections are substantially the same. Wouldn't the FBI rush out to find who owned the car?

 At the very least, if abductees' accounts confirm each other -- and especially if hypnotically derived details are confirmed by conscious recall -- we canÌt write these abduction tales off as false memories, or simple hypnotic confabulation. If one person told the standard story under hypnosis, we could challenge it, and in fact we should, but if dozens do, or hundreds, or thousands (as in fact is the case), and if others who don't need to be hypnotized say they have the same memories, then something else is going on. We haven't proved that the memories are real, but the whole debate about hypnosis starts to seem irrelevant.

 And here's a fascinating, speculative, and no doubt controversial thought. Has any other puzzling situation -- something that might be real, or again might not -- been subjected to such detailed hypnotic examination? I doubt it. So isnÌt it at least remotely possible that abductions might turn out to be a test case for hypnosis? Suppose we grant even a tiny possibility that abductions might be real. Don't we therefore grant the possibility that hypnosis really does retrieve abduction memories? And if that were true, then abductions would have told us more about hypnosis than hypnosis research ever told us about abductions.

 As for some other skeptical objections (emotional ones, I suspect) ÷

 1. Do abduction investigators plant abduction stories in experiencers' minds?

 We must understand that this is a hypothesis. It hasn't yet been proved. In fact, there isn't even evidence for it yet, except for fragmentary excerpts from abduction books or brief film clips on TV, which might (or, in fuller context, might not) show investigators asking leading questions.

 Worse, this hypothesis is linked to the assumption -- which, as we've seen, is false -- that abduction stories always emerge through hypnosis. Experiencers, according to this view, are helpless once they're hypnotized. They're ready to be victimized by leading questions -- if, that is, theyÌre not simply commanded to remember an abduction scenario, or at the very least are so awed by the investigatorÌs expectations that they manufacture the story on their own, drawing on books, TV, and what theyÌve heard from other experiencers at support groups.

 Not, of course, that this theory requires hypnosis. Abductees, obviously, know what they're getting when they go to see Budd Hopkins. They've seen him on TV, or read his books. They know he thinks they've been abducted. That's why they come to him, so he can tell them that's what happened. They're Play-Doh in his hands.

 My experience, for what it's worth, indicates that this might not be so. The experiencers I've met (admittedly a small and hardly random sample) all told me that they hoped it wasn't true, that they desperately resisted any belief that their abductions were real.

 But then this ugly supposition -- that abduction researchers are puppeteers, at the very least naive, though more likely out to promote themselves and their nonsensical beliefs -- has deeper problems. It ignores the early history of abduction research, when investigators were as surprised as anyone else to hear abduction tales. It ignores Betty and Barney Hill, who 30 years ago unveiled the first standard-issue abduction story, to a psychiatrist who'd never heard anything like it before.

 This theory of investigator influence ignores abductees who've told me they were wary under hypnosis, because they were afraid Budd Hopkins would do exactly what the skeptics claim. It ignores transcripts, videotapes, and audio tapes of interviews with abductees (some of them published, others not, but available, IÌd think, to anyone doing serious research), which donÌt show investigators prompting or leading anyone. It ignores what IÌve observed when I've watched Budd Hopkins work, and also, maybe more to the point, observations by Gibbs Williams, a New York psychoanalytic psychotherapist, whom IÌve interviewed, and who by no means is convinced that abductions are physically real. Williams, too, has watched Hopkins work. Neither of us has seen Hopkins encouraging people to believe they'd been abducted, or feeding them details of what he thinks has happened to them.

 Both of us, moreover, have seen the letters abductees write to Hopkins, before he ever talks to them. WeÌre both struck by how consistent they are, both in the experiences they report -- unexplainable lights in their bedrooms, beings by their beds, missing time when they were children, UFO sightings -- and, as Williams stresses, by their consistent psychology. Williams says he can't conclude that their experiences are real. But he's certain that the letter-writers manifest something, if only a psychological syndrome, that Hopkins isn't creating.

 1. Abduction stories are created by the media. 2.

 By now theyÌre surely spread by the media, since they've been published in books, shown in the movies, and splashed all over tabloid TV. I sat in on Hopkins's first meeting with an experiencer who'd read no end of abduction books. As it happens, this man was careful to explain, with no prompting, how his recollections differed from what he'd read. (He also worried that hypnosis would create false memories.) But media influence can't be ruled out.

 That said, we now need to ask what generated the standard abduction story in the first place. Here the trail of influence -- so wide and brightly lit for contemporary abduction accounts -- gets lost in shadows. IÌve seen three attempts to map it. One of them came from skeptic Martin Kottmeyer, who found an episode of the science fiction TV show Outer Limits that showed an alien with the now-familiar wraparound eyes, and that was televised less than two weeks before Barney Hill first told his abduction story under hypnosis.

 Gotcha! But neither Kottmeyer -- nor the American public television science show, Nova, when it trotted out this Outer Limits episode, in an inquiry into abductions -- bothered to ask Betty Hill to comment. (Barney couldn't be asked, of course, because he died in 1969.) According to Jerome Clark, who did ask her when he wrote an entry on the Hill case in his UFO Encyclopedia, she'd never heard of Outer Limits. Neither she nor Barney would have watched that kind of show, she said, and in any case he worked nights, and often wasn't home on evenings when he didn't work, because both he and she were active in community affairs.

 The other two other abduction sources IÌve seen cited are even wispier. Robert Shaeffer, who served as token skeptic at the MIT abduction conference, disinterred a 1930 Buck Rogers comic strip, in which aliens bring the heroine into their ship for a medical examination. Fortunately he reproduced the strip in the published proceedings, allowing us to notice a few tasty deviations from the standard abduction account. The aliens are feline, they grab the screaming woman with a "great mechanical claw," and they're talkative. Amazed, they ask: "Is it possible earth people are not evolved from the cat species?"

 And finally there Ìs Killers from Space, a painfully obscure 1954 movie, touted as a precursor of abduction reports because aliens medically examine a captive human. Make that a reanimated captive human, though, because, as IÌve learned from the respected (if not exactly professorial) Psychotronic Encyclopedia of Film, the story of the film goes something like this:

 While his brother Billy was working on The Seven Year Itch, Lee Wilder was busy churning out another substandard science fiction film. This one features hilarious aliens with hooded sweat suits, mittens, striped belts, and eyes made out of Ping Pong ball halves. They bring nuclear scientist Peter Graves back to life in a cave complete with used electronic equipment. To demonstrate their powers, they show Peter stock footage of lizards, lava, and giant insects. He figures out their futuristic VU meters and causes the secret headquarters to blow up. Earth is saved again!

 If any of this happened in real abduction accounts, abduction books would be more fun to read. In any case, though, the very obscurity of all these supposed abduction sources tells us something striking: that the abduction story we know so well today evidently can't be found in standard science fiction. And since it isn't, weÌre entitled to ask how the abduction tale -- if in truth it started with Buck Rogers and Killers from Space -- has taken root with such ferocity, and such powerful emotion. Why haven't people said they've been abducted by giant insects, blobs , or robots, all of which were powerfully injected into popular culture by movies like Them and The Day the Earth Stood Still?

 Besides, where are the studies by social scientists, telling us why some -- but hardly all -- of the nightmares floating in our culture burrow into us so deeply that some people think they're real? What other beliefs, besides abductions, have spread by a hysterical contagion thatÌs actually been documented?

 As it happens, there really is a study of the second question, by sociologist Robert Hall, who measured abduction reports against cases of mass psychogenic illness and mass delusion, which he says are the only documented phenomena that spread by any kind of irrational contagion. He found "crucial" differences, and concludes -- with an explosion of rhetorical fireworks -- that "attributing these reports to mass psychology leaves us just as much an anomaly as attributing them to extraterrestrial visitors." He's overstating his case, but if skeptics want to contradict him, their research had better be just as detailed.

 

3. Abductions are a kind of folklore.

 At this point IÌll confess that -- in the best (or worst) tradition of people doing UFO research without proper credentials, and instead coming into it from unlikely, unrelated fields -- I am by profession a musician and music critic. Once, when I was a graduate student at Yale, I took a course in "Aural Analysis," in which we'd listen to music we knew nothing about, and attempt to describe what was going on. In particular, we chose a lot of music from other cultures, which we absorbed with worshipful but blind respect. One afternoon all of us, professor and students alike, marveled at a recording of folk music from eastern Europe. WeÌd never heard rhythms like this before. They were blindingly intricate, we thought, incomprehensible to our impoverished Western rhythmic palette.

 But then a student who knew a lot about eastern European folk music made a belated appearance, and told us that these folk musicians were only playing badly. Their apparent rhythmic complexities were simply mistakes.

 Sometimes I wonder whether something similar -- an uncritical respect for foreign folk traditions -- isn't at work when we're told that abduction tales are just another kind of folklore. The notion is seductive, I'll admit, IÌll admit that the notion is seductive, based as it is on the elegant and wordly observations of people who seem know more about the folktales of other cultures than we do. Somehow these other traditions -- whose cosmology, let's say, wouldn't convince us of much -- acquire a glittering prestige as soon as we talk of anything paranormal. Many cultures, we're told, report contact with unearthly beings. Sometimes these beings transport people to unearthly realms. In Newfoundland, people think they're visited at night by unpleasant entities they call "old hags," which means ÷ but what does it mean? What's being alleged here?

 There are two roads we might go down to answer these questions. On the first, we'd take the western scientific stance, which means we think that people who see fairies and old nocturnal hags are superstitious. The beings they believe in don't exist. Abduction tales resemble these superstitions; therefore they, too, are false.

 But why are we assuming there's a connection between abduction beliefs and the folklore of other cultures? Any resemblance might be just coincidental. If the resemblance was preternaturally close, then we might have a priori reasons for wondering about abductions. But how close is it, really? How closely do these folklore tales resemble each other, and how closely do any of them resemble the normal abduction account? (Eddie Bullard, whose doctorate is in folklore, says they aren't close at all.) How many cultures have abduction-like beliefs, especially beliefs about beings that might grab anybody, anywhere, at any time? Do beliefs like these turn up all over the world? If so -- and assuming thereÌs a relationship between abductions tales and those beliefs -- why did our version of the worldwide myth emerge, at least as a mass phenomenon, just 30 years ago?

 But now suppose we take the other road, and decide that these experiences described in other culturesÌ folklore might possibly be real. Now weÌre in fascinating territory, explored most notably, of course, by Vallee. Could it really be that all of us -- the Irish with their fairies, Newfoundlanders with their worrisome old hags, Americans with the big-eyed grays -- are encountering the same phenomenon? All over the world, people experience the same unearthly beings, but since the experience is not perceptible to anyone in its true reality -- suddenly we're getting almost Kantian -- or because nobody is ready to perceive it, we all see it through the proverbial clouded glass, replacing whatever's really there with interpretations we've distilled from our various cultures.

 But how we know other cultures really see? How thoroughly have their experiences been investigated? How do we know that the situation isnÌt exactly the reverse of what this theory says? How do we know that other cultures donÌt really meet the grays? Why can't we decide that we're the only ones who see the beings clearly, because we're the only scientific culture?

 This notion might sound arrogant, but there's data in abduction lore to support it. If you've read abduction books, you know that the aliens supposedly can cloud our minds. Or maybe we ourselves veil our recollection, because we're in shock. Who knows? But either way, abduction experiencers are said to have their thoughts befogged by what investigators (borrowing a Freudian phrase) call "screen memories," which most commonly are images of animals. Question an experiencer closely, says the lore, and these animals evaporate, to be replaced by -- eeek! -- the grays.

 Here's a typical example, from Budd Hopkins's book Witnessed. An experiencer Hopkins calls "Marilyn Kilmer" is telling him of her abduction:

 As she floats upward toward the skylight she sees two small figures levitating behind her, creatures she describes as "white cats." I ask if they are long-haired or short-haired cats. "They don't have any hair," she replies, and adds that they are very big.

 How could the cats be cats, Hopkins wonders, if they were hairless and gigantic? In another, unpublished case, one Hopkins cherishes for its absurdity, a woman told him that she was driving late at night and found the road blocked by an owl, which stood in front of the car, its eyes level with the windshield. This woman never stopped to think that owls arenÌt big enough to do that -- not, that is, until Hopkins asked her how tall she thought the owl was.

 Now, if we have screen memories, why shouldn't people from cultures around the world have them? And, since other cultures are more open to paranormal experience, why shouldn't their screen memories be codified, so that everyone generates the same image? If we grant that abductions might possibly be real, then we have to accept the possibility that these screen memories might function as advertised, thus -- potentially, at least -- blowing the this second version of the folklore theory right out of the pond.

 I haven't mentioned psychological explanations for abductions, because I think they're on a different plane. Not many have ever been formally proposed, at least in psychology journals, and there's some noise mixed with the signal -- a paper by a team headed by Nicholas Spanos (cited by the American Psychological Association, in an ad in the New York Review of Books, as "one of the worldÌs most renowned psychologists") which with great misplaced certainty unfurls the theory of investigator influence, offering no evidence except a few citations to UFO ¸berskeptic Philip Klass (whose own derisive abduction book is innocent of any research that would have , you ask how big its ears are. YouÌre implying that it does have ears; if abductees tell you, repeatedly, that the aliens are earless, you conclude that they're sticking to their recollections, which thus are very likely genuine.

 Are these techniques reliable? Gibbs Williams, the therapist I mentioned earlier, has seen Hopkins using them, and tells me he's impressed. But have repeated inquiries and counter-leading been used elsewhere, by hypnotherapists, or by hypnotists working with police? Current orthodoxy holds that confabulation can't be detected by questioning alone, so Hopkins and Jacobs appear to be swimming against that conventional tide, and in fact are asserting something truly radical: That itÌs possible to distinguish between true and false abduction tales, or in other words that in abduction research, just as in investigations of ordinary UFO sightings, it's possible to distinguish between a UFO and an IFO.

 To elaborate, if I see a bright light on the horizon and the planet Venus turns out to be right where I was looking, then very likely I saw Venus. Similarly, Hopkins and Jacobs might say, if I claim I was abducted along with John F. Kennedy, and they ask me if Jimmy Carter was also there and I say yes, then my memory is very likely false (Carter being far too young to have been JFKÌs equal, even in an alien abduction). The signs of a true abduction would be that the story stays the same when investigators gently challenge it, and that it's consistent with other abduction accounts.

 This supposed consistency has been challenged, of course, as being either not as real as it seems to be, or else imposed by the investigators themselves. But there's one claim abduction investigators make that's truly a bombshell. Allegedly, abduction stories corroborate each other even in tiny unpublished details. In Budd HopkinsÌs Witnessed, for instance, we learn that "Linda Cortile" (the central abductee in the case) was X rayed, and that the X ray showed a possible alien implant, "a cylindrical shaft ÷ with two thinner, spiraling extensions -- one at the top of the shaft and one at the bottom -- that curl out away from [Linda's] face."

 Later, hypnotically regressed, Cortile said that her alien abductors took "a long needle with a small object on its tip," and inserted that object into her nostril:

 As she described it [Hopkins writes], this small metallic object did not have anything like the protruding, curling spirals that showed up in the X ray.

 This detail is important because of two earlier cases in which female abductees described objects being removed [his emphasis] by the UFO occupants. The apparent implants were taken from the ear of one woman and from the navel of the other. In both hypnotically retrieved accounts the women were shown simple, shaftlike cylinders. When these narrow cylinders were touched by the aliens handling them, small, flangelike appendages popped out from their sides.

 What are we to think? Is it true, as Hopkins also writes in Witnessed, that abductees who report humans working with the aliens always see these humans dressed in blue uniforms? Is it true, as David Jacobs writes in his book Secret Life, that abductees mention smaller beings that do the grunt work, and larger ones that appear to be in charge? Is it true that, when the beings touch an abductee, that the larger ones feel "rough" and "leathery," while the smaller drones are "soft" or "plastic"?

 If true, these corroborations are, quite simply, dynamite. And there's more abduction evidence that, potentially, could be devastating. How about that ghost story Jacobs told me, about unknown stains appearing on four people at once? Jacobs told me that he recognizes many supposed alien implements. Once an abductee describes an instrument, he knows exactly what the aliens will do with it. Scars, like stains, allegedly appear on abductees overnight. Abductees supposedly are abducted, and returned in someone else's clothes. Hopkins told me that not one abductee has ever described a chest examination to him. The aliens -- no matter what else they do to our bodies anywhere -- allegedly ignore our chests, something hard to believe abductees would so uniformly invent, if they were making these stories up.

 Are these things true? I can't verify any of them, and I can fault Hopkins for not even keeping statistics. How many abductees report the familiar scoop marks on their legs, photographs of which he's displayed in his books, in lectures, and on his website? Hopkins can't tell us. What we're dealing with, as I said right at the start, is hearsay -- stories Hopkins and Jacobs talk and write about, which any of us can only accept out of a personal conviction that they (and the experiencers who tell many of the stories in the first place) aren't lying.

 But if this provocative evidence could be verified -- if, let's say, outside observers could confirm that abductees give the same unpublished descriptions of alien medical tools, over and over -- wouldn't the ballgame be over? Wouldn't we then have to conclude that abductions were real, or at the very least that we're dealing with some equally exotic unknown, some kind of mass telepathic confabulation? (With stigmata, of course, if we verify that marks really do appear with no apparent cause.)

 For what it's worth, I have verified the existence, at least, of one dramatic piece of abduction evidence. Or, rather, more than a dozen pieces of it, samples of alleged alien writing (or perhaps alien symbology), that more than a dozen abductees supposedly glimpsed on board the alien craft, and later wrote down from memory. Budd Hopkins has assembled these, and they do look just about identical. They need to be published, of course, and subjected to formal study, but I'd be lying if I didn't say they gave me a deep and scary chill. I've promised not to describe what they look like, but I can put it this way: If the "writing" had been Morse code, what I would have seen, as I turned the pages of Hopkins's scrapbook, would have been dots and dashes on every page, unstained by squiggles, circles, curves, vertical lines, or diagonals. IÌve also spoken to two of the experiencers who said they'd seen these symbols, and who provided two of the samples. Both of them told me that they remembered this writing consciously, no hypnosis needed. Only after they'd drawn what they remembered did Hopkins show them other versions of the same thing. Both were far more shocked than I was; one of them, John Velez, who's in his late 40's with two grown children, said he broke down sobbing.

 Of course, I can't prove that Velez isn't lying. I can't prove that Hopkins didn't fabricate his scrapbook. But these writing samples -- or whatever we might like to think they are -- push the envelope dramatically. They're either genuine or hoaxed, and if they're genuine, then something extraordinary is going on. And the simplest explanation -- the most parsimonious, the one that best accounts for all reported data, and doesn't make us postulate a separate, new, unknown phenomenon -- is that abductions really happen.

 I could end here, concluding with my most dramatic stroke, but the sheer weirdness of the subject -- and the urge most us have, I think, to disbelieve -- impels me to go one step further. Or perhaps I'm taking one merciful step away from any confrontation. I want to note a more abstract arguments against abduction reality, a group of what I'd call a priori arguments, because essentially they say that no evidence could be convincing, that abductions can't be real, because ÷

 1. The Extraterrestrial Hypothesis (of what UFOs are) hasn't been proved.

 It's hard to believe anyone ever argued against abductions this way, but IÌve seen it done. Cart before the horse, I'd say. Like claiming no one ever saw a flying disc, because we don't know for sure there are such things. ItÌs doubtless true that someone who already thinks UFOs are alien will be more ready to believe that aliens are abducting people. But itÌs not unreasonable for someone who was never convinced by UFOs to look at the abduction evidence -- Budd Hopkins's alien writing, maybe -- and say "OK, fine, I see it now. Aliens are really here."

 2. Abductions can't be happening, because real aliens wouldn't be humanoid.

 And how, exactly, do we know that? We have theories about evolution, based on insufficient data, because (think about this) we have only one example to base our thinking on. We've seen life evolve on one planet, our own. How can we be sure we know how it might evolve elsewhere? It's perfectly plausible to theorize that, on the contrary, intelligent life must be humanoid, (as Michael Swords, the former editor of the Journal of UFO Studies once did)because evolutionary pressures would always work the same way. Or, rather, it's no more or less plausible argue that way, than to theorize that another intelligent species couldn't possibly look like us.

 And plenty of other theories are possible. We could imagine that our visitors are cousins. Maybe they created us. Maybe we created them, and forgot about it. Maybe we're both members of the same interstellar clan, established long ago, so deep in our antiquity that we donÌt know about it. Not that I'm putting money on these speculations. But it's easy to explain the existence of another humanoid race. The truth is that we donÌt know what's out there, so weÌre in no position to rule anything out.

 1. If aliens want to breed a hybrid race, they'd do it technologically, with no need to take our sperm and get us pregnant. 2.

 This, from Jacques Vallee, is the most persuasive a priori objection, an obvious one -- obvious once someone thinks of it, anyway -- that doesn't seem to have occurred to anybody else. We earthfolk can accomplish miracles of genetic engineering. Why would aliens, advanced enough to fly here from wherever, resort to plain, old-fashioned sexual reproduction? Why incubate a hybrid fetus so perilously, in a human female (as abduction lore claims the aliens do)?

 The answer might be pretty simple, though. Abduction lore also says the aliens meld their minds with ours, give some of us missions in life, teach our children psychokinesis, and, maybe most crucially for anyone arguing against Vallee, ask human mothers to touch and love their hybrid babies. The aliens seem to need us! Or, to put it more quietly, whatever they're doing, they want us to be involved. We don't have to believe that these things are really going on. But if you want to imagine reasons why the aliens aren't building hybrids in the Zeta Reticulan equivalent of test tubes, abduction lore suggests a speculative answer. For some reason we can't fathom (and why should we be expected to?) the aliens don't just need our genes. They need us -- our emotions, our particicpation, our hearts and our (unconscious) minds.

 1. Abductions can't be happening, because nobody can float a human being through solid walls.2.

 Yes, the aliens are said to do that, but, for the last time, how do we know that they can't? I feel like dragging out every clichÈ every written about future science. If people from the 19th century saw a pocket calculator, they'd be dumbstruck. As J. Allen Hynek wrote, "There will surely be, we hope, a twenty-first century science and a thirtieth century science, and perhaps they will encompass the UFO phenomenon as twentieth century science has encompassed the aurora borealis, a feat unimaginable to nineteenth century science, which likewise was incapable of explaining how the sun and stars shine." Or this, from Arthur C. Clarke: "Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic." If advanced aliens are really visiting, how can we predict what they can or can't do?

 This objection reminds me of the SETI scientists -- Frank Drake, Carl Sagan, and others involved with a search for extraterrestrial life, usually by listening for alien radio signals -- who almost all believe that aliens can't visit us, because interstellar travel is impractical, verging on impossible. Meanwhile Drake also speculates that some civilizations in the galaxy are a billion years ahead of us! And yet he's certain he knows their capabilities.

 Essentially -- as physicist Paul Davies point out in his philosophical book on extraterrestrial life, Are We Alone? -- Drake and others make a crucial but unspoken assumption, that we, even after just three centuries of science, have discovered fundamental laws of the universe that will never be contradicted, not even if we join our supposed ET neighbors in the billion-years-of-civilization club. We believe that the speed of light canÌt be surpassed, and that even approaching it would use more power than could ever be available -- and we believe we're right about those things, not just now, but forever.

 You could call this assumption arrogant. You could call it smug. I'd prefer, though, to call it metaphysical, in the sense that the word was used by logical positivist philosophers, who wanted to exclude from philosophy all statements that can't be verified. This certainly is one of those. Even if we waited a billion years, and the laws of the universe still appeared unchanged, thereÌs always the chance that theyÌd look different after new discoveries were made one year after that. We can't prove we know the basic laws of nature, and the belief that we do know them is simply that -- a belief, not anything scientific, but essentially a matter of faith.

 And part of this faith leads otherwise sensible scientists to believe that extraterrestrial visits are unlikely. Not that I'm saying they are likely, but how can we measure whether they're likely or not, when we donÌt have any data? We donÌt even know that intelligent life beyond the earth exists at all. And if it does exist, how common is it? The only way to gauge the likelihood of visits would be to consult a copy of the Galactic Almanac (assuming, just for the sake of amusement, that there is such a thing). If it said there were only two other races in our galaxy, far away from us and not interested in interstellar travel, then fine -- they won't be coming here. But if the Galactic Almanac said civilizations were widespread and that several very active traveling ones had outposts just a few light years from earth, then weÌd know weÌd better dust off the welcome mat.

 To put this slightly differently, and to turn back toward abductions, imagine that we're talking to a representative of the Galactic Federation, someone sophisticated and well-informed, who can tell us with authority what's going on in our neck of the universe.

 "You know," we say to him, or her, or it, "some of us say they've been abducted by little gray beings with big eyes. Would you know anything about that?"

 "Oh, God, no!" replies our distinguished visitor. "You've got Zorphs! They're such pests, playing games with their stupid medical experiments. I can't blame you if you're confused. They've got this way of muddying your thoughts."

 For all we know, abductions, in the galaxy at large, are as common as roaches are in New York apartments. And if anyone thinks this line of reasoning is a license to believe anything at all, I beg to disagree. Once I met an abduction experiencer (not someone who'd worked with Budd Hopkins) who told me that she'd seen me on the ships. "You were working with them," she declared. "You were my mentor!" Since I can't remember this, I reserve the right to shake my head. Nor do I have to believe (to pick an example from elsewhere in ufology) that Rear Admiral Roscoe H. Hillenkoetter issued the MJ-12 briefing document, and misstated his own rank.

 But if we're going to deal with the unknown -- which is what we do the moment we allow even the possibility that UFOs are alien (let alone that they're abducting us) -- we're going to have to take some intellectual risks. Albert Camus, in his philosophical study The Rebel, discussed the problem of political rebellion. Since killing is wrong, he asked, how can you take up arms to fight for your rights, even against the most oppressive regime? His answer was that there isn't any answer -- you go to the barricades, as he more or less said, with a gun in your hand and a lump in your throat.

 UFO research is something like that. We're dealing with giant questions, questions that challenge our understanding of who we are and where we fit in the universe. Worse still, we can't even imagine the limits of any possible answers. Does that leave us helpless? It shouldn't. We just have to keep our wits about us -- and agree in advance not to rule anything out.

Greg Sandow


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